Creative Accounting and Destructive
Risk
By
Henry C K Liu
This article appeared in AToL on
April 3, 2002
Note: This article was written more than five years before the credit
market crisis of August 2007 and four months after Enron filed for
bankruptcy protection on December 2, 2001. The analysis has
survived the test of time. Greenspan bought time by unleashing the
housing bubble. Today, the problem is essentially the same except
the scale has multiplied. The next bubble will be hyperinflation.
Perhaps central bankers will recognize that it is finally time to go
cold turkey to stop this debt addiction.
Alan Greenspan, chairman of the US Federal Reserve Board,
frequently credits US growth in the 1990s to a rise in productivity
made possible by advances in technology. Yet studies have shown that
computerization did not stimulate much rise in industrial productivity
in the 1990s. Industrial computerization was essentially in place long
before 1995. The 1990s boom in the US was not an industrial boom but a
financial boom. This was made possible by three developments: the
deregulation of financial markets, the computerization of trading of
financial instruments, and globalization, particularly financial
globalization.
The entire structured finance (derivatives) phenomenon would
not be possible without any one of the above mentioned developments.
Structured finance in essence allowed an unprecedented explosion of
credit, by unbundling risks for a wide range of risk-takers who sought
corresponding compensatory returns. While hedging initially provided
protection against volatility to individual market participants, it
soon became a profit center for financial institutions. This led to the
institutionalization of volatility as a market opportunity. Financial
institutions actually sought volatility in the system to provide a
continuous profit stream.
Creative accounting, whose peculiar logic evolved from
structured finance, also made the traditional debt/equity ratio
immaterial. Ways were devised for the large market participants to
structure debt as hedges, through swaps that avoided taxes and
balance-sheet liabilities. Swaps enabled borrowers legally to book loan
proceeds as current operating income and loan liabilities as future
capital expenditure that could be kept off the balance sheet, inflating
current earnings. Circular counterparty risks suddenly became
neutralized risk, and cash flow from swaps became net revenue. These
practices are now known as Enronitis.
On the macro level, the global finance game has become a sure
win for those who use dollars, especially those whose government issues
dollars by fiat. The world market has become a place where the United
States makes dollars and the rest of the world makes what dollars can
buy. But after the Asian financial crisis of 1997, the whole world
essentially adopted dollarization, if not directly, at least through
hedges, albeit sometimes at prohibitive cost.
At that point, the US economy suddenly began to lose its
exclusive dollar hegemony advantage because US entities were no longer
the only ones with access to dollars nor could US transnationals avoid
non-dollar revenue. To maintain the "strong dollar" monetary policy
instituted by US treasury secretary Robert Rubin at the beginning of
the Bill Clinton presidency, the US Federal Reserve progressively
tightened dollar money supply throughout most of the 1990s. But this
did not slow the US economy because structured finance permitted debt
to expand without a corresponding expansion of equity. A strong dollar
gave the US economy a boom in low-cost imports, while the US trade
deficit merely forced foreign exporters to hold dollar reserves to
finance the US debt bubble through a US capital account surplus. Japan
did this for a whole decade, pushing its own economy into permanent
recession while its dollar reserves mounted. Mainland China, Hong Kong
and Taiwan took up the slack from Japan by 1995 and the three Chinese
economies together now hold more dollar reserves than Japan does.
China, starved for capital for domestic development, thus finds itself
stuck with US$200 billion in US Treasury bills that pay 5 percent while
it is forced to offer foreign direct investment high double-digit
returns. The annual interest gap alone is in excess of $20 billion,
which amounts to half of China's current annual foreign-capital inflow.
Growth in the 1990s came from a structural shift of the US
economy from industrial capitalism to finance capitalism. Through
financial globalization, the US shifted labor intensive manufacturing
off US soil to low-wage locations, thus lowering the cost of
manufactured products. Financial products and services and intellectual
property valuation constituted most of the growth, making the US a
consumer market of last resort for the whole world. London, Frankfurt,
Paris, Tokyo, Hong Kong and Singapore became financial outposts of New
York, sucking up dollar reserves to support the US debt bubble.
This game is ending, as the US consumer market becomes
saturated and condemned to low single-digit growth, regardless of
business cycles. The wealth effect from a tripling of equity value did
not double consumption in the US, because aggregate demand is
constrained by a widening income disparity. The rich have bought all
the manufactured products they need and the working poor cannot afford
to buy all they want. The wealth effect did double investment globally,
reflected in the phenomenal rise in market capitalization of US
transnationals and financial institutions, particularly in the
so-called New Economy. The competition for credit favored double-digit
growth markets in the developing countries, but the US continued to
dominate global finance through its sophistication and innovation in
finance and through dollar hegemony.
The problem is that all unregulated markets eventually
self-destruct. Weak competitors are naturally forced off the market,
leading to monopolies that are the result of market failure of
competition. Yet regulation cannot cure the problem preemptively
because remedial regulation only makes sense after disasters, never
before.
There is increasing evidence that the real threat to China is
not democracy or the market economy per se but the peculiar US version
of these institutions. The 19th-century industrial capitalism that Marx
observed no longer exists. Finance capitalism is a system in which
capital is only a notional value upon which to build a gigantic
mountain of hidden debt. Representative democracy and unregulated
market fundamentalism in the US mode now work as legalized
constitutional devices to disfranchise the poor and weak, both locally
and globally.
Greenspan acknowledged this in his semiannual monetary policy
report to the US Congress, before the Committee on Financial Services
on February 27: "From one perspective, the ever-increasing proportion
of our GDP [gross domestic product] that represents conceptual as
distinct from physical value-added may actually have lessened cyclical
volatility. In particular, the fact that concepts cannot be held as
inventories means a greater share of GDP is not subject to a type of
dynamics that amplifies cyclical swings. But an economy in which
concepts form an important share of valuation has its own
vulnerabilities." He was of course referring to Enronitis.
Greenspan's observation about the vulnerabilities of
conceptual valuation was on target, although his warning of
vulnerability was disproportionately misplaced. Even after the Enron
and Global Crossing controversies, Greenspan continues to resist
regulation, preferring to rely on market discipline. The risk is much
higher than he admits.
Past records do not reliably project future vulnerability
risk. Any risk manager knows that accidents are always waiting to
happen. The fact that it has not happened in the past does not mean it
will not happen in the future. In fact, with each passing day without
an accident, the risk of borrowed time increases. Low probability is
only a source of comfort if the impact is not fatal.
Also, what Greenspan did not say, but admitted by implication,
was that finance capitalism is operating with less and less reliance on
capital. Capital has become a notional value in structured finance.
Credit is no longer anchored by equity but by circular hedges.
Debt-to-equity ratio is no longer a relevant consideration. Practically
all US major businesses nowadays, with their high debt leverage, would
have negative real equity if the price/earning (P/E) ratio were to
return to historical norms. Blue chips are being shut out of the
unsecured short-term commercial paper market. Corporate credit ratings
are inflated by exorbitant market capitalization value, which in turn
reflects irrational P/E ratios. Even now, during what many on Wall
Street contend to be a savage bear market, the Standard & Poor's
500 Index yields 25 times earnings. It would have to fall by another 41
percent to reach the median valuation prevailing since 1957.
Such a decline can happen in a period of days in this age of
program trading and socialized risk, even with circuit breakers and
trading curbs. When that happens, structured finance will be a sea of
dead and wounded in counterparty casualties, regardless of who won and
who lost.
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